R10: #BrusselsSoWhite: The EU has a diversity and inclusion problem. It's high time for a change. Let's be that change!

There is no climate justice without racial justice

There is no climate justice without racial justice

Political decisions affect different people and communities differently. Therefore, it is important that a wide variety of voices is heard and represented in the decision-making process. Often groups that are disadvantaged within our society are also the most underrepresented within politics despite being heavily affected by its decisions. Especially the climate crisis is inherently unjust and affects those who do not have the means to adapt the worst. Even within Western states, indigenous peoples, communities of colour and migrants are amongst those that suffer the most from this crisis due to deeply entrenched
structural and systemic inequalities.

The consequences of the climate crisis as we know it threatens the future of Europe and of humanity as a whole - but already is and is increasingly becoming the lived realities of many communities of the Global South.

Recently, campaigns have drawn attention to the drastic underrepresentation of Black people, indigenous people, and people of colour (BIPOC), ethnic minorities, as well as citizens with migration background in the EU Parliament.

The consequences of the climate crisis as we know it threatens the future of Europe and of humanity as a whole - but already is and is increasingly becoming the lived realities of many communities of the Global South.

We need descriptive representation. 96% of Members of the
European Parliament are White, and much of the rest of its apparatus. Studies
show politicians of minoritised identities are more likely to advocate for the
rights of minorities.[11, 12, 13] We see this to be true in the European
Parliament, as after six decades, it was Green MEPs of colour Alice Kuhnke who
tabled the report and resolution on intersectional discrimination, one of the first of its kind, and Romeo Franz who tabled the report and resolution on Roma
equality, inclusion and participation, one of its firsts, and S&D MEP Evin Incir
who tabled the first ever report and resolution on anti-racism. However, regardless of this point, people of colour deserve to see themselves reflected
in the political structures that represent them. While the Green Group in the
European Parliament is relatively the most diverse, much more must be done to improve representation across the European Parliament and its apparatus.





The consequences of the climate crisis as we know it threatens the future of Europe and of humanity as a whole - but already is and is increasingly becoming the lived realities of many communities of the Global South.

The consequences of the climate crisis as we know it threatens the future of Europe and of humanity as a whole - but already is and is increasingly becoming the lived realities of many communities of the Global South.

This inequality of impacts is due to an ingrained system of unequal exchange and power relations rooted in colonial history and perpetuated through unfettered neoliberal capitalist exploitation. The Global North benefits from a sociopolitical and economic hegemony only made possible through the continued oppression and exploitation of the Global South. This hegemony is built upon this unequal exchange, through the continued exploitation of and perverse international division of labour and flow of resources. This unequal exchange between states is not only of power, resources and labour, but of responsibility and externalities, resulting in the Global South impacted the worst by the climate crisis despite the Global North being responsible for 92% of all excess emissions.[1, 2]

This inequality of impacts is due to an ingrained system of unequal exchange and power relations rooted in colonial history and perpetuated through unfettered neoliberal capitalist exploitation. The Global North benefits from a sociopolitical and economic hegemony only made possible through the continued oppression and exploitation of the Global South. This hegemony is built upon this unequal exchange, through the continued exploitation of and perverse international division of labour and flow of resources. This unequal exchange between states is not only of power, resources and labour, but of responsibility and externalities, resulting in the Global South impacted the worst by the climate crisis despite the Global North being responsible for 92% of all excess emissions.[1, 2]

Even within Western states, indigenous peoples and communities of colourBIPOC are amongst those that suffer the most from this crisis due to deeply entrenched structural and systemic inequalities.

Even within Western statescountries, indigenous peoples and communities of colour are amongst those that suffer the most from this crisis due to deeply entrenched structural and systemic inequalities.

Even within Western states, indigenous peoples and communities of colour are amongst those that suffer the most from this crisis due to deeply entrenched structural and systemic inequalities.

Racialised and ethnic-minoritised communities continue to be subject to such inequalities through the historical entrenchment and contemporary perpetuation of a system of institutional, systemic, and social racism. This unequal exchange of power, resources, and labour, whether with intent or unconscious neglect, manifests similarly within Western states, intertwines climate change with racism and increasingly exposes racialised and ethnic-minoritised communities to environmental devastation and health risks.[3] We recognize that these issues are often also intertwined with class especially an unequal distribution of wealth as well was access to education. It is often the economically disadvantaged communities that also face racist discrimination. Furthermore, we recognize that intersectionality plays an important role when it comes to access to political participation and representation. Many other factors such as wealth, disabilities, age, gender or sexual orientation are not separate from race or ethnicity. Often being a member of several groups can come with even greater obstacles to political representation. We must recognize the multiplicative nature of those effects and consider how they interact with each other.

While this resolution focuses on people faced with racist discrimination we recognize that many different entry barriers to politics exist. Therefore, this resolution is a step towards our greater goal of achieving balanced representation of all members of society and to make politics more accessible and inclusive.

The reality we must acknowledge and confront is that the climate crisis is inherently racist.[4] And yet, indigenous peoples and communities of colourBIPOC continue to not only be unheard or forgotten,[5] they are often erased from the climate movement.[6] We must acknowledge the reality that the history of environmentalism is racist,[7] and that striving for ecological sustainability without first prioritising decolonial justice perpetuates these neocolonial asymmetries through imperialist environmentalism. Without the reversal of this unequal exchange and perverse flow of resources, we end up powering the Global North's transition through continued exploitation of the Global South or at the expense of racialised communities in the Global North.

The reality we must acknowledge and confront is that the climate crisis is inherently racist.[4] And yet, indigenous peoples and communities of colour continue to not only be unheard or forgotten,[5] they are often erased from the climate movement.[6] We must acknowledge the reality that the history of environmentalism is racist,[7] and that striving for ecological sustainability without first prioritising decolonial justice perpetuates these neocolonial asymmetries through imperialist environmentalism. Without the reversal of this unequal exchange and perverse flow of resources, we end up powering the Global North's transition through continued exploitation of the Global South or at the expense of racialised communities in the Global North.

The reality we must acknowledge and confront is that the climate crisis is inherently racist.[4] And yet, indigenous peoples and communities of colour continue to not only be unheard or forgotten,[5] but also they are often erased from the climate movement.[6] We must acknowledge the reality that the history of environmentalism is racist,[7] and that striving for ecological sustainability without first prioritising decolonial justice perpetuates these neocolonial asymmetries through imperialist environmentalism. Without the reversal of this unequal exchange and perverse flow of resources, we end up powering the Global North's transition through continued exploitation of the Global South or at the expense of racialised communities in the Global North.

The reality we must acknowledge and confront is that the climate crisis is inherently racist.[4] And yet, indigenous peoples and communities of colour continue to not only be unheard or forgotten,[5] they are often erased from the climate movement.[6] We must acknowledge the reality that the history of environmentalism is racist,[7] and that striving for ecological sustainability without first prioritising decolonial justice perpetuates these neocolonial asymmetries through imperialist environmentalism. Without the reversal of this unequal exchange and perverse flow of resources, we end up powering the Global North's transition through continued exploitation of the Global South or at the expense of racialised communities in the Global North.

The reality we must acknowledge and confront is that the climate crisis is inherently unjust and racist.[4] And yet, indigenous peoples and communities of colour continue to not only be unheard or forgotten,[5] they are often erased from the climate movement.[6] We must acknowledge the reality that the history of environmentalism is racist,[7] and that striving for ecological sustainability without first prioritising decolonial justice perpetuates these neocolonial asymmetries through imperialist environmentalism. Without the reversal of this unequal exchange and perverse flow of resources, we end up powering the Global North's transition through continued exploitation of the Global South or at the expense of racialised communities in the Global North.

The reality we must acknowledge and confront is that the climate crisis is inherently racist.[4] And yet, indigenous peoples and communities of colour continue to not only be unheard or forgotten,[5] they are often erased from the climate movement.[6] We must acknowledge the reality that the history of environmentalism is racist,[7] and that striving for ecological sustainability without first prioritising decolonial justice perpetuates these neocolonial asymmetries through imperialist environmentalism. Without the reversal of this unequal exchange and perverse flow of resources, we end up powering the Global North's transition through continued exploitation of the Global South or at the expense of racialised communities in the Global North.[6] We must strive for ecological sustainability without perpetuating asymmetries within our societies and without harming already marginalised communities.

We see this for example through the extractivist projects in indigenous Sámi and Inuit lands, often even portrayed as ‘green’ initiatives to mitigate emissions or power the transition, which threaten or actively destroy their lands, livelihoods, communities, and wellbeing.[8] In metropolitan France, cities with higher precarious populations are more likely to welcome hazardous sites like incinerators and, waste management facilities are more likely to be located near towns with higher immigrant populations, and racialised suburbs, or districts of larger cities are often closer to large ring roads and intersections known as échangeurs - thus disproportionately exposing racialised communitiesinhabitants to higher pollution and risks of health hazards. Due to the racist oppression, racialised communities and immigrant populations often find themselves in those cities or in racialised districs or suburbs of larger cities, exposed to ecological threats. Racialised French overseas regions also face injust pollutions such as nuclear testing in Polynesia or chlordecone in the French West Indies. [ibid]

We see this for example through the extractivist projects in indigenous Sámi and Inuit lands, often even portrayed as ‘green’ initiatives to mitigate emissions or power the transition, which threaten or actively destroy their lands, livelihoods, communities, and wellbeing.[8] In metropolitan France, hazardous sites like incinerators and waste management facilities are more likely to be located near towns with higher immigrant populations, and racialised suburbs or districts of larger cities are often closer to large ring roads and intersections known as échangeurs - thus disproportionately exposing racialised communities to higher pollution and risks of health hazards.[ibid]

In addition to that, the climate crisis is a key driver for migration, forcing people to migrate due to natural disasters and long lasting droughts. The affected people are affected by the climate crisis twice: Once when they are forced to migrate and a second time when left to live in worse living conditions (eg. dense living areas which heat up disproportionally during summer) with less means to adapt to more extreme weather conditions.

Thus, there is no climate justice without racial justice, and it is impossible to strive for a socially just ecology without decoloniality. Indigenous peoples and communities of colourBIPOC are at the forefront of the climate crisis: they should be at the forefront of the Green movement.

Thus, there is no climate justice without racial justice, and it is impossible to strive for a socially just ecology without decoloniality. Indigenous peoples and ,communities of colour and migrants are at the forefront of the climate crisis: they should be at the forefront of the Green movement.

The Green movement, including us in the European Greens, has a diversity and representation problem,[9] stemming from its problems of inclusion. As we criticise #BrusselsSoWhiteEUBubbleSoWhite, we must acknowledge our role in perpetuating this.

The Green movement, including us in the European Greens, has a diversity and representation problem,[9] stemming from its problems of inclusion. As we criticise #BrusselsSoWhite, we must acknowledge our role in perpetuating this.

Even within the green movement, including the European Greens a lot of work remains to increase diversity, inclusion and fair representation.

In the past, the European Greens have presented manifestoes and resolutions that only mention racialised and ethnic-minoritised minorities and the Global South with regards to asylum and (social) discrimination.[10] The issues and interests of racialised and ethnic-minoritised minorities and the Global South go much further than this, and are intertwined with many other issues. Moving forward, we hope to see a much more intersectional focus, an acknowledgement of present-day colonial asymmetries, and the culpability and responsibility of Europe to confront them. Thus, as we head into these elections, we need meaningful substantive representationinclusion which benefits ethnic-minoritised minorities - the incorporation of racial justice and the interests of racialised and ethnic-minoritised peoples within party manifestos, campaigns, and the agenda of European politics.

In the past, the European Greens have presented manifestoes and resolutions that only mention racialised and ethnic-minoritised minorities and the Global South with regards to asylum and (social) discrimination.[10] The issues and interests of racialised and ethnic-minoritised minorities and the Global South go much further than this, and are intertwined with many other issues.Our manifestos and policies should be more reflective of the interests and representation of different groups. Moving forward, we hope to see a much more intersectional focus, an acknowledgement of present-day colonial asymmetries, and the culpability and responsibility of Europe to confront them. Thus, as we head into these elections, we need meaningful substantive representation - the incorporation of racial justice and the interests of racialised and ethnic-minoritised peoples within party manifestos, campaigns, and the agenda of European politics.

In the past, the European Greens have presented manifestoes and resolutions that only mention racialised and ethnic-minoritised minorities and the Global South with regards to asylum and (social) discrimination.[10] The issues and interests of racialised and ethnic-minoritised minorities and the Global South go much further than this, and are intertwined with many other issues. Moving forward, we hope to see a much more intersectional focus, an acknowledgement of present-day colonial asymmetries, and the culpability and responsibility of Europe to confront them. Thus, as we head into these elections, we need meaningful substantive representation - the incorporation of racial justice and the interests of racialised and ethnic-minoritised peoples within party manifestos, campaigns, and the agenda of European politics.

In the past, the European Greens have presented manifestoes and resolutions that only mention racialised and ethnic-minoritised minorities and the Global South with regards to asylum and (social) discrimination.[10] The issues and interests of racialised and ethnic-minoritised minorities and the Global South go much further than this, and are intertwined with many other issues. Moving forward, we hope tomust see a much more intersectional focus, an acknowledgement of present-day colonial asymmetries, and the culpability and responsibility of Europe to confront them. Thus, as we head into these elections, we need meaningful substantive representation - the incorporation of racial justice and the interests of racialised and ethnic-minoritised peoples within party manifestos, campaigns, and the agenda of European politics.

At the same time, we need descriptive representation. 96% of Members of the European Parliament are White, and much of the rest of its apparatus. Studies show politicians of minoritised identities are more likely to advocate for the rights of minorities.[11, 12, 13] We see this to be true in the European Parliament, as after six decades, it was Green MEPs of colour Alice Bah Kuhnke who tabled the report and resolution on intersectional discrimination, one of the first of its kind, and Romeo Franz who tabled the report and resolution on Roma equality, inclusion and participation, one of its firsts, and S&D MEP Evin Incir who tabled the first ever report and resolution on anti-racism. However, regardless of this point, people of colour deserve to see themselves reflected in the political structures that represent them. While the Green Group in the European Parliament is relatively the most diverse, much more must be done to improve representation across the European Parliament and its apparatus.

At the same time, we need descriptive representation. 96% of Members of the European Parliament are White, and much of the rest of its apparatus. Studies show politicians of minoritised identities are more likely to advocate for the rights of minorities.[11, 12, 13] We see this to be true in the European Parliament, as after six decades, it was Green MEPs of colour Alice Kuhnke who tabled the report and resolution on intersectional discrimination, one of the first of its kind, and Romeo Franz who tabled the report and resolution on Roma equality, inclusion and participation, one of its firsts, and S&D MEP Evin Incir who tabled the first ever report and resolution on anti-racism. However, regardless of this point, people of colourBIPOC deserve to see themselves reflected in the political structures that represent them. While the Green Group in the European Parliament is relatively the most diverse, much more must be done to improve representation across the European Parliament and its apparatus.

At the same time, we need descriptive representation. 96% of Members of the European Parliament are White, and much of the rest of its apparatus. Studies show politicians of minoritised identities are more likely to advocate for the rights of minorities.[11, 12, 13] We see this to be true in the European Parliament, as after six decades, it was Green MEPs of colour Alice Kuhnke who tabled the report and resolution on intersectional discrimination, one of the first of its kind, and Romeo Franz who tabled the report and resolution on Roma equality, inclusion and participation, one of its firsts, and S&D MEP Evin Incir who tabled the first ever report and resolution on anti-racism. However, regardless of this point, people of colour deserve to see themselves reflected in the political structures that represent them. While the Green Group in the European Parliament is relatively the most diverse, muchMuch more must be done to improve representation across the European Parliament and its apparatus.

At the same time, we need descriptive representation. 96% of Members of the European Parliament are White, and much of the rest of its apparatus. Studies show politicians of minoritised identities are more likely to advocate for the rights of minorities.[11, 12, 13] We see this to be true in the European Parliament, as after six decades, it was Green MEPs of colour Alice Kuhnke who tabled the report and resolution on intersectional discrimination, one of the first of its kind, and Romeo Franz who tabled the report and resolution on Roma equality, inclusion and participation, one of its firsts, and S&D MEP Evin Incir who tabled the first ever report and resolution on anti-racism. However, regardless of this point, people of colour deserve to see themselves reflected in the political structures that represent them. While the Green Group in the European Parliament is relatively the most diverse, much more must be done to improve representation across the European Parliament and its apparatus.

We, the European Green Party further commit to:

• Working towards developing a broader strategy on how the EGP and its member parties can become more inclusive and accessible to all members of society. This strategy needs to consider wider aspects of discrimination and access barriers to political representation and consider intersectional effects.